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| What impoverishes young people's aspirations? Tony Ashmore Click here for a print version of this article. Increasing participation in education and training beyond compulsory schooling is a goal for all political parties. Raising participation in higher education from lower socio-economic groups is a key priority. Current policies are based on a 'Poverty of Aspiration' thesis which asserts that: Lower class families and neighbourhoods transmit
A recent study, commissioned by DCSF and led by Professor Ken Roberts of Liverpool University* suggests that at the beginning of secondary school (Year 7) aspirations are high, particularly amongst children from lower socio-economic class neighbourhoods. At this age at least, the Poverty of Aspiration thesis does not hold, with policy and strategy consequently based on a false premise. The study involved 610 Year 7 pupils from 27 non-selective state schools in three areas – London, Greater Manchester, and Devon and Cornwall. The researchers conducted workshops, administered written tasks and recorded group discussions. The aims were to determine pupils' views of their futures, how these views were formed, what is likely to affect their thinking, and the most effective ways young people can be equipped with the skills to make decisions. The research team interpreted their findings in the context of the pupils' social backgrounds, prior attainment, parental, other adult, peer and external influences. The cohort studied will be the first group affected by the raising of the participation age to 17 in 2013. At 11/12 years of age, pupils hold views on what jobs they want to do and for most these are quite long held: 85% of the pupils felt they knew what job they wanted and 65% had held the same view for two years. These jobs were generally of relatively 'high status' and whilst not all could expect to achieve their ambitions, the choices were logical to the pupil. There were no significant differences in the level of job aspiration between pupils from advantaged or disadvantaged backgrounds. These same pupils had a poor knowledge of education and training routes post-14, but expressed strong support for raising the participation age, provided 'there was choice'. They had well developed notions of what constitutes success which ranked 'the academic' over 'the vocational'. Pupils did have a notion about 'university'. Seventy-five per cent of pupils wanted to go there and associated university with high status jobs and success. University was more sought after by girls than boys, reflecting the current difference in participation rates. Whereas aspirations for higher education differed by geography, with fewer wishing to go to university from rural areas, a striking finding was that children from deprived neighbourhoods and/or eligible for free school meals were at least as likely, or more likely to want to go to university than their counterparts from more advantaged backgrounds. Both in terms of job aspiration and intention to go to university, there was no lack of aspiration amongst 'disadvantaged' pupils at the beginning of secondary school compared with their more 'advantaged' counterparts. The 'Poverty of Aspiration' thesis simply didn't hold up. The evidence on eventual destinations of young people does, of course, reflect class differences, with relatively fewer young people from disadvantaged neighbourhoods going to university or into well paid jobs. So what are the implications for policy and practice if the evident aspirations at age 11/12 are not to be dashed and, amongst some, replaced by negative attitudes? The research team suggests a more vigorous and coherent IAG programme from the beginning of KS3, starting from the basis that Year 7 pupils are already engaged in a process of trying to understand what they want to do. Pupils of this age are trying to understand the principles that should underpin the decisions they will face. Their concerns are:
IAG support for Year 7 should have a strong activity/experience component based upon the individual needs of the pupil. At this age pupils understand, and want, choice. IAG should help pupils develop the skills to make those choices. In this context, pupils need significantly more help in understanding a wider range of careers and in particular of the potential value of vocational education. Choice will be particularly important if the raising of the age of participation is to be beneficial. The majority of young people from lower socio-economic groups want to go to Higher Education at age 11/12. Structured active support should begin at this point to build on these aspirations and supplement them with the appropriate knowledge. The research showed that prior attainment (as measured by KS2 SATS) had no effect on the desire of pupils to go to university. Acknowledging that at age 11, low socio-economic status is already related to lower SATs scores, the researchers suggest that this group may be more vulnerable to a disjuncture between their aspirations and abilities which could lead to consequent negative impacts on their learning. Although not mentioned in the report, the last point leads this commentator to suggest that one of the major reasons for positive aspirations to become negative attitudes is an education system that lays such great store on 5 or more A* - C grades at GCSE, which, when the English and Maths requirements are added, sets out to fail the majority of youngsters in order to 'maintain standards'. With the age of participation rising to 17 and then 18, with vocational programmes and apprenticeships before and after these ages, what is the relevance of this increasingly archaic 'academic standard'? It seems likely that fundamental change is required. * How Young People Formulate Their Views about the Future, DCSF, 2009 http://www.dcsf.gov.uk/research/programmeofresearch/projectinformation.cfm?projectId=15557&type=5&resultspage=1 Dr Tony Ashmore is Policy Advisor to the National Education Trust |
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